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Creative neurosis, I call it: the art of directing one's compulsions and fears to tll thai dating outcomes. This book iJlustrates its application to writing. In this 15 I case, my compulsion to discover or invent simple symmetry in complex events '70 19 2 19 2 combincd with an urge to escape a burdensome responsibility by taking on another task that was not quite as daunting. Any reader of this book will recognize the signs of my compulsion to order and simplifY.

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The second urge, however, takes a little e''Plaining. Many times before I have found myself plunging into difficult work in order to avoid tll thai dating work that was proving painful or difficult. This time, having started to collaborate with Wim Blockmans in tll thai dating recruitment of a collection of papers on interactions orcities and states in Europe, I began an extremely ambitious book comparing the articulation of particular cities and states in several parts of Europe since AD In other words, it is the construction and destruction of States which seal the basic shifts in the relations of production, so long as classes subsist" Anderson The book, I hoped, would merge three of my career-long concerns: the history and dynamics of collective action, the process of urbanization, and the formation of national states.

Such a book, as I understood it, required a mastery of exotic sources and languages, not to mention the compilation oflarge catalogs and statistical series that would only fall into place an item at a time.

I began writing, but soon found myself digging for new material in obscure places, and testing my ability both to x Preface learn new languages and retrieve old ones. Cornell University gave me the chance to try out some afthe book's organizing ideas as its ~1essenger Lectures for [g87; although the discussion in Ithaca proved hnw ragged thosc ideas were, it also convinced me that the topic was important, and worth the long effor!

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I am grateful to Alain Lancelot and Pierre Birnbaum for arranging that opportunity, tll thai dating to Clemens Heller for the suppor! My plan was to work in Parisian archives in between the lectures. But early in the series I again lectured on European cities and states.

As I reflected on the lively questioning that presentation had provoked, I suddenly realized that I had another book well underway: a much more schematic, synthetic, concise, and feasible book than the one [ had already begun.

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Writing that book would allow me an honorable, if temporary, exit from the fonoidable big project. Instead of going to the archives, I stayed home at my keyboard and began tapping away excitedly at the new volume. Reworked versions of my Cornell and Institut lectures fitted into the plan, so that when I returned to New York at the end of March I had tll thai dating major chunks of the book. Neglecting other projects for which the Russell Sage Foundation had graciously sponsored a year's leave, I rushed to my computer and continued to write.

During that time, Pauline Rothstein and her assistants at Russell Sage provided indispensable, intelligent help with library sources, Camille Yezzi made daily routines easy, Eric Wanner and Peter de Janosi offered genial support, while Rober! Merton and Viviana Zelizer encouraged my efforts to deal with big structures, large processes, and huge comparisons. By July Ig88 a complete, if uneven, draft was in circulation. It and successive drafts went the rounds under the titles States, Coercioll, alld Capital, Silver, Sword, alld Scepter, and the less mellifluous but tll thai dating accurate Coercion, Capital, a11lt European States.

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During the ensuing months many friends and colleagues read or heard various segments of the book; my compulsion to talk about it and to revise incessantly kept them very busy. Nikki Aduba edited the manuscript with consummate care and intelligence. Louise Tilly was busy finishing her own books as I worked on this one, but she generously tolerated my obsession and offered strategic advice.

The New School's proseminar on state formation and collective action helped me repeatedly in formulating the book's arguments. Mistakes there surely arc. Stretching across a millennium, I have undoubtedly failed to consider major ideas, missed crucial events, ignored important contradictions, gotten significant facts wrong, and explained some changes incorrectly.

I hope only that readers will inform me of any errors or omissions, and that they will reflect on how greatly my mistakes affect the overall argument before rejecting it out of hand.

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In my optimistic moods, I hope that this book will continue the work begun by the late Stein Rokkan, that it will build on the strengths and correct the errors of a work on which Stein and I collaborated, The Fomzatioll of Natiollal States ill Westem Europe, that it will exemplifY the program of historically-grounded inquiry into large-scale processes of change I have advocated in earlier books such as Big Structures, Large Processes, Huge ComparisollS and As Sociolog ' Meets History, and that it will contribute to the effort to work out theories tll thai dating historical contingency exemplified by recent writings of Anthony Giddens, Allan Pred, Arthur Stinchcombe, and Harrison White.

If so, compulsion and phobia will once again have made a constructive contribution to knowledge. Now, of course, I face a problem: that big book still awaits me.

Hammurabi, ruler of Babylon, became the supreme king of Mesopotami;L"By conquering, he gained the right and obligation to establish laws for all the people. In the introduction to his famous laws, Hammurabi claimed instmction from the great gods Anu and Enlil: then did Anu and Enlil call me to afford well-being to the people, me, Hammurabi, the obedient, godfearing prince, to cause righteousness to appear in the land to destroy the evil and the wicked, that the strong hann not the weak and that I rise like the sun over the black-headed people, lighting up the land.

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Franktorl Wrapped in a tll thai dating calling, Hammurabi could confidently call those who opposed his rule "evil" and "wicked. Hammurabi was building the power of his city, and founding a state; his gods and tll thai dating particular vision of justice would prevail. States have been the world's largest and most powerful organizations for J. Qj§tinct fr. The term therefore includes city-states, ehlpires, theocraciB, and ,1 2 Cities alld States ill World History many other forms of government, but excludes tribes, lineages, firms, and churches as such.

Such a definition is, alas, controversial; while many students of politics use the term in this organizational way, some extend it to whatever structure of power exists in a large, contiguous population, and others restrict it to relatively powerful, centralized, and differentiated sovereign organizations roughly to what I will call a national state.

I will, furthermore, evenrually compromise the definition by including. For the moment, Ict us stick with the organizational definition.

By such a standard, archaeological remains first signal the existence of states as of I BC, and written or pictorial records testify to their presence two millennia later. Through most of the last eight millennia, states have only occupied a minority of the earth's inhabited space.

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But with the passage of millennia their dominance has grown. Some time between and BC, the settlement later called Jericho contained a temple and stone houses; within the next thousand years, it acquired a thick wall and differentiated buildings.

By that time, one eould reasonably call Jericho a city, and other Middle Eastern settlements were beginning to acquire the signs of urbanization as well. Full-fledged cities and recognizable states, then, appeared at roughly the same point in world history, a moment of great expansion in human capacity for creativity and for destruction.

For a few millennia, indeed, the states in question were essentially city-states, often eonsisting of a priest,:Euled caeital surrounded by a tribu! By BC, however, some Mesopotamian cities, including Ur and Lagash, were building tmpires rUle~ by warriors and held together by force and tribute; Hammurabi's unification 0 southern Mesopotamia came seven centuries after the first empires formed there.

From that point on, the coexistence of substantial states and numerous cities has marked the great clviJiE!

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Qns, from Mesopotamia, Egypt, and China to Europe. Over the eight or ten millennia since the couple first appeared, cities and states have oscillated between love and hate. Armed conquerors have often razed cities and slaughtered their inhabitants, only to raise new capitals in their place.

City people have bolstered their independence and railed against royal interference in urban affairs, only to seck their king's protection against bandits, pirates, and rival groups of merchants.

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Over the long run and at a distance, dating site- ul etnity Mates have proved indispensable to each other. Through most of history, Jjjji'!!. Most states have been "mlnational: emp'ires, city-states, or something else. The term national state, r Cities alld States ill World Histor ' regrettably, does not necessarily mea~":JiV state whose people share a '!!!

Although states such as Sweden and Ireland now -approximate that ideal, very few European national states have ever qualified as nation-states.

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Great Britain, Germany, and France - quintessential national states - certainly have never met the test. With militant nationalities in Estonia, Armenia, and elsewhere, the Soviet Union now lives the distinction painfully every single day. Only during the lastfew centuries have national states mapped most of the world into their own mutually exclusive territories, including colonies.

Only ~ce World War II has almost the entlre-;;Jrlcl come to be occupied by nominally independent states whose rulers recognize, more or less, each other's existence tll thai dating right to exist. As this final partitioning of the world into substantial states has proceeded, ~o important E!!

First, speakers for many I populations that do not form distinct states have made claims to independent statehood. Not only the inhabitants of former colonies, but also minorities within old, established Western states, have demanded their own states with surprising frequency.

While I write, groups of Armenians, Basques, Eritreans, Kanaks, Kurds, Palestinians, Sikhs, Tamils, Tibetans, Western Saharans, and many more stateless peoples are demanding the right to separate states; thousands have died for claiming that right. Within a Soviet Union that long seemed an unbreakable monolith, Lithuanians, Estonians, Azerbaijanis, Ukrainians, Armenians, Jews, and numerous other "nationalities" arc pressing for varying degrees of distinctness - and even, sometimes, independence.

In the recent past, Bretons, Flemings, French Canadians, Montenegrins, Scots, and Welsh have also made bids for separate power, either inside or outside the states that now control them.

Minorities claiming their own states have, furthermore, regularly received sympathetic hearings from third parties, if not from the states currently governing the territories they have claimed. If all the peoples on behalf tll thai dating whom someone has recently made a claim to separate statehood were actually to ridicarea răscumpărării their own territories, the world would splinter from its present odd recognized states to thousands of statelike entities, most of them tiny and economically unviable.

The second counter-current also runs strong: powerful rivals to states blocs of states such as NATO, the European Economic Community or the Warsaw Pact, world-wide networks of traders in expensive, illicit commodities such as drugs and arms, and financial organizations such as giant international oil companies - have emerged to challenge their sovereignty.

In ', members of the European Economic Community will dissolve economic barriers to a degree that will significantly limit their ability to pursue independent policies in respect of money, prices, and employment. These signs show that I.